Germany's interests - and those who can help realise them

Regulating Global Migration Flows

Germany has benefited from globalisation – which also involves the sharp rise in global migration flows. The number of international migrants has increased in the last 30 years by more than 100 million to more than 250 million people, while the population of the Federal Republic of Germany without immigration would be around 10 million below its current 83 million. Economic success, along with the social and pension systems, already depend to a large extent on immigration, and that trend is rising.

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At the same time, however, it should be noted that global migration flows also pose considerable challenges: the increasing international competition for skilled workers, integration problems security issues and polarisation in societies are just a few examples. Since spring 2020, there have been additional challenges related to the global Covid pandemic.

According to the “Mid-Year-Trends 2021“ of the UNHCR, published in November 2021, a total of more than 84 million people were displaced by mid-2021,84, roughly 1 percent of the world’s population. It is estimated that 51 million of these were internally displaced persons. A large proportion of international refugees remain in the neighbouring countries of their countries of origin. The Covid crisis has exacerbated the plight of these already vulnerable population groups.

But even Germany is directly affected by refugee crises, and has taken in, in the recent past, many people seeking protection, such as the Vietnamese boat people in the 1970s, civil-war refugees from the disintegrating Yugoslavia in the 1990s and, since 2015, refugees from the war in Syria. More recently, 400.000 refugees from Ukraine, mostly women and children, have also fled to Germany. Especially the refugee flows of 2015/16, in the course of which more than 1.2 million initial applications for asylum were filed, confronted Germany with considerable domestic challenges, contributed to the increasing polarisation of society and deepened differences between the EU member states. Striking the right balance between taking in refugees, addressing the root causes of flight and maintaining European border security is thus an important political responsibility for Germany Eventually, the way asylum procedures are handled must, of course, meet the requirements set out in the Geneva Refugee Convention. Germany, with a highly developed asylum system, needs to show leadership on this issue. First of all, the protection of refugees must prevent refugees from being sent back to a country, in which they are threatened by persecution, violence or torture (non-refoulement principle), in order to safeguard their basic rights.

This is also why Germany is committed, at the multilateral level, to protecting refugees and regulating global migration flows. Germany assumes responsibility both in terms of landmark agreements and in terms of tangible humanitarian aid on the ground: as a strong supporter and signatory of both Global Compacts on Refugees and Migration, as the second most important donor to the World Food Programme after the US, and as the only country that is both one of the ten host countries taking in most refugees and one of the ten largest contributors to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

Germany honours its responsibility to provide protection for people fleeing political persecution and violence in accordance with the right to asylum. No country, however, can absorb an unlimited number of asylum seekers and migrants. Only if the integration process is successfully managed (into the labour market, but also in terms of language, culture and society) will society continue to accept the right to asylum, which is necessary for Germany to continue to meet its responsibilities in the future.

When it comes to displacement and migration, countries need to think in global, therefore multilateral, terms. Germany is well-advised to work multilaterally for a more efficient regulation of global migration flows – for humanitarian reasons, but also because German interests are involved. This commitment has become increasingly important against the backdrop of the Covid pandemic.

Countries like Germany also have an inherent economic interest in the immigration of skilled labour. The shortage of skilled workers is already estimated at more than 400,000, and the trend is rising rapidly due to technological innovation and demographic developments. Birth rates, which have been low for decades, combined with the retirement of the baby boomer generation, pose a considerable threat to the German social security system, especially in the healthcare and pension sectors.

Moreover, Germany’s economic prosperity and capacity for innovation are also endangered by this demographic development. According to a survey by the German Chamber of Industry and Commerce, 56 percent of companies consider the lack of skilled workers to be the biggest business risk. Key industries, such as mechatronics, automation, energy and HVAC technology, along with healthcare, are particularly affected.

The growing imbalance between the number of gainfully employed and non-employed people – mainly caused by the increasing number of people in retirement age while the unemployment rate has remained low – and the subsequent shortage of skilled workers, can be compensated to a small degree by automation and by exploiting existing potential. Regional differences are significant. In order to meet the growing demand for skilled labour, the immigration of skilled workers is necessary for maintaining the current standard-of-living and Germany‘s high competitiveness. The inflow of refugees does not automatically solve this problem. 67% of Syrian refugees, for example, receive welfare benefits, which shows that there is still a lot of room for improvement as far as labour market integration is concerned.

The international refugee movements of 2015/16 did not only reach Germany but confronted all member states of the European Union with new challenges. While pressure on the affected border states (primarily Greece and Italy) was indeed relieved by opening borders within Europe, by suspending the Dublin Regulation and by taking in more than 2.5 million refugees, European solidarity in matters of redistribution was limited.

Reforming the asylum system seems to be a difficult task even after the end of the refugee crisis. There have been some substantial developments, however. In September 2020, the European Commission presented a new pact on migration and asylum, designed to create a more coherent and better functioning European system of asylum, among other things. . Moreover, in June 2021, the European Council and the European Parliament agreed to convert the European Asylum Support Office into the EU Asylum Agency. This step is designed to support member states in processing asylum claims and to improve procedures.. Important questions concerning the accommodation of refugees, their distribution and funding, however, have not been resolved yet. Consequently, the urgently needed reform of the Common European Asylum System is nowhere near in sight.

The cooperation with non-European partners plays a special role. This cooperation takes many different forms. The German federal government, for example, has been able to make progress at the European level by concluding so-called migration partnerships, but also bilaterally, especially with Niger and Mali. Germany also plays a prominent role in the G20 Compact with Africa initiative, as an initiator on the one hand, and as a close partner of Compact countries, such as Tunisia (including as part of the Marshall Plan with Africa) on the other. In Niger, for example, there is support for projects in the Agadez region, in order to provide people with alternative employment to human trafficking, which is widespread in this area. This cooperation has been gradually expanded in recent years. In Mali, Germany played an important role in the UN Stabilisation Mission (MINUSMA) and thus contributed to peacekeeping. In addition, the German Corporation for International Cooperation (GIZ) as well as the political foundations like the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung implement projects for improved governance and decentralisation in Mali on behalf of the German federal government. In this way, African countries are supported that lie on key transit routes for refugees and migrants. Cooperation with Tunisia, which is a country of origin and transit as well as a host country, focuses on sustainable economic development, employment support and macroeconomic stability.

Turkey, a key partner in reducing irregular migration to the EU, mainly because of the EU-Turkey Agreement, has proved to be a difficult partner, not just since President Erdogan’s unilateral border opening in spring 2020. While Turkey is making a significant contribution to providing primary care and support for more than 3.5 million refugees in reception centres and camps, the Turkish government is taking political advantage of the threat scenario of another refugee crisis in Europe.

The federal government has responded to the need for increased labour migration to Germany from non-EU countries by enacting the Skilled Workers Immigration Act (Fachkräfteeinwanderungsgesetz), which came into force on 1 March 2020. The need for skilled labour cannot be met by immigration from EU countries, and there are more and more complaints by some partners about the braindrain to Germany. However, many developing countries are facing the dilemma of not being able to create enough jobs for their growing and partly well-educated populations. Especially in many African countries, such as Nigeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Ghana, young people often do not have sufficient economic prospects.

The Skilled Workers Immigration Act is intended to facilitate the move to Germany of skilled workers such as these, including those without academic qualifications, by, for example, allowing temporary residence in Germany for job search purposes lifting the restriction to high-demand jobs and facilitating the recognition of job qualifications. It will be almost impossible, however, to achieve the German government’s stated target of attracting at least 25,000 new skilled workers per year, because the recognition of job qualifications will continue to be a cumbersome process, the barrier of acquiring German language skills will have to be overcome before departure and people abroad will have to be made aware, first of all, that Germany is a country of immigration. The Covid pandemic is also making matters worse. The necessary decisions need to be taken now, however, and they need to go beyond any immediate crisis management in order to achieve the goal in the medium term.

Despite these challenges, the Skilled Workers Immigration Act represents a turning point in German labour market policy. This envisaged change can only be achieved by taking additional political action.

The focus is initially on countries that already have a strong relationship with Germany and that have well-developed training systems. Many of these countries already have many years of experience with targeted labour migration. As early as the 1970s, the Philippine government initiated a programme to promote labour migration, first of all mainly to the Gulf States, but increasingly to other Asian states, Canada, Australia and the US. There are numerous state institutions in the Philippines that support the labour migration of its own people.

The 2015/16 refugee crisis demonstrated the need for a redistribution formula for asylum seekers to enable the EU to take action in the future. Similarly, the crisis on the Greek-Turkish border (following the opening of the border on the Turkish side by President Erdogan) and the exacerbation of the humanitarian emergency on the Greek islands clearly illustrated that the EU was not sufficiently prepared.

Germany should keep advocating for a reform of the Common European Asylum System. Important factors for this would be well-functioning border protection on the external borders as well as stepping up support for border states to alleviate the humanitarian crisis on the islands. It is easy to predict that irregular migration and flight will continue to put too much strain on the capacities of EU border states. The Covid pandemic has underscored the need to reduce the overcrowding in camps in which minimum sanitation standards cannot be met.

In addition, some thinking should be done on whether the EU-Turkey agreement could be renewed and reformed. so that both sides can start a new chapter of cooperation on migration policy with realistic expectations.

Last but not least, closer cooperation with partners who enjoy less media attention has the potential to shape migration movements more effectively. An expanded cooperation with the Balkan states, which addresses local economic needs in addition to border security issues, can strengthen the ties between these countries and the EU. Providing support for the development of stable government and economic structures in countries plagued by conflicts and extreme poverty, such as those in the Sahel region, and sharing information with other destination and transit countries of migration movements, such as Colombia and Morocco, have the potential to prevent future refugee and migration crises and to better exploit the economic opportunities of migration.

The UNHCR has a prominent role in relieving the pressure on host countries, for example in providing humanitarian care for refugees in Burundi, Somalia, Syria and Afghanistan. At the same time, the UNHCR is structurally underfunded because it depends on voluntary donations. Moreover, the war in Ukraine and more and more new migration flows are further exacerbating the financial situation of the UNHCR. Individual programmes are particularly affected. For example, the provision of food and healthcare for refugees from Burundi had to be severely restricted on several occasions. As the second and third largest contributors to the UNHCR, the EU and Germany help to provide short-term support for refugees on the ground. Germany should try to ensure that particularly the European partner countries increase their funding of the programmes, as these can help to prevent people from embarking on the often dangerous trip to Europe, are cost-effective, and help reduce the burden on host countries.

The Skilled Workers Immigration Act is an important first step in preparing the German labour market for the current and future requirements of the economy. For achieving the stated objectives, however, some crucial steps need to be taken to support this approach. One such necessary step is to acquire new partners for agreements on the mutual recognition of job qualifications or for cooperation on vocational training. This can be done, for example, by having German companies do the training on the ground, by launching more extensive initiatives that present the German dual training system as a potential role model, or by directly recognising job qualifications in the partner country. As part of its development cooperation, the German government already supports countries worldwide in their efforts to expand dual vocational training, such as Serbia, Mexico, Kenya and the Central Asian countries. The coordination of these numerous initiatives within the framework of the Skilled Workers Immigration Act would make a decisive contribution to harnessing the potential of labour migration to Germany, beyond the planned pilot projects in Brazil and India, for example.

In addition, promoting German language courses for would-be migrants is a particular priority, not only because some knowledge of German is required when looking for a job in Germany, but is also crucial for career success and for successful integration in Germany. The worldwide network of Goethe Institutes, dedicated to the promotion of the German language, should be expanded and the range of courses on offer extended (especially, it should include job preparatory language courses).

The capacities and availabilities of visa offices in German embassies need to be enhanced in order to process applications as quickly as possible. In order to achieve the target number of skilled immigrants, potential workers should be able to file their visa applications in their countries of origin.. Germany is competing with numerous other countries for the immigration of skilled migrants, which is why it would be a good idea to avoid erecting high bureaucratic barriers for workers and employers in Germany.

The following five case studies illustrate the potential for closer cooperation with countries that play very different roles in regulating international migration flows. These are, on the one hand, countries where deepening the already existing, long-standing cooperation can lead to significant improvements in migration management and, on the other hand, countries with which the existing partnerships can be significantly developed and where there is great potential for achieving common goals.

While Niger, Morocco and Serbia are transit countries as well, they are facing very different challenges. In Niger, it is mostly security issues and the establishment of state institutions that play an important role, while Morocco is a key player in regional migration policy, but also within the framework of the African Union. In Serbia (as a country on the “Balkan route”), the focus is on border security and on the treatment and redistribution of refugees on the ground.

Colombia receives less media attention in this country, but due to the intolerable conditions in Venezuela, it is one of the main host countries for migrants and refugees worldwide. Sharing knowledge and providing support for the immediate care for refugees and for the implementation of medium and long-term public policies are already playing an important role and have further potential to contribute to overcoming the refugee crisis on the ground.

These case studies demonstrate that very different types of partnerships are necessary to contribute to the efficient regulation of global migration movements.

Last update: 11 May 2022

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